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Intervention and Underdevelopment - Jon Kofas - Bog - Pennsylvania State University Press - Plusbog.dk

Intervention and Underdevelopment - Jon Kofas - Bog - Pennsylvania State University Press - Plusbog.dk

. . . this ground-breaking study by Jon Kofas . . . provides an insightful analysis of the American aid program that determined the political and economic configuration of postwar Greece. Kofa's analysis, however, is equally significant for United States history because it was on Greek soil that American counterinsurgency, pacification, and containment tactics were evolved, tested, and later applied elsewhere in the Third World. Those who seek meaningful reappraisal rather than beguiling rationalization might well begin with this study, solidly grounded on all available sources. It presents a revisionist perspective regarding both the economic and the political development of Greece under American tutelage. The declared objective of the economic aid was to avoid restructuring of the Greek economy, and to preserve Greece as an exporter of raw materials and an importer of manufactured goods. Kofas asserts that an alternative program similar to that of the northern Balkan countries was feasible, and that failure to undertake such a program is vulnerable of today's Greek economy. Likewise in the political realm, Kofas rejects the Washington dogma that Greece has to be in either the Soviet or the American camp, and therefore must be in the latter. Kofas proposes as a "plausible alternative" a social-demographic regime that, in addition to socioeconomic reforms at home, could have pursued abroad a pro-Greek rather than a pro-Soviet or pro-American course. The victory of the American-supported forces in Greece obscured this alternative vision for decades. Yet it was persistently propounded, in the face of discouraging odds, by a variety of centrist and leftist leaders. With the coming to office of Andreas Papandreou, this vision has become official policy in Athens. Furthermore, assorted versions of this alternative strategy are cropping up globally, which is the underlying reason why the Third World today is out of control. And also why superpower doctrines and projects not recognizing this indisputable and irreversible fact are experiencing difficulties as embarrassing as they are predictable. Hence the broad significance of this thoughtful and thought provoking study. -From the Foreword by L. S. Stavrianos

DKK 573.00
1

Intervention and Underdevelopment - Jon Kofas - Bog - Pennsylvania State University Press - Plusbog.dk

Intervention and Underdevelopment - Jon Kofas - Bog - Pennsylvania State University Press - Plusbog.dk

. . . this ground-breaking study by Jon Kofas . . . provides an insightful analysis of the American aid program that determined the political and economic configuration of postwar Greece. Kofa's analysis, however, is equally significant for United States history because it was on Greek soil that American counterinsurgency, pacification, and containment tactics were evolved, tested, and later applied elsewhere in the Third World. Those who seek meaningful reappraisal rather than beguiling rationalization might well begin with this study, solidly grounded on all available sources. It presents a revisionist perspective regarding both the economic and the political development of Greece under American tutelage. The declared objective of the economic aid was to avoid restructuring of the Greek economy, and to preserve Greece as an exporter of raw materials and an importer of manufactured goods. Kofas asserts that an alternative program similar to that of the northern Balkan countries was feasible, and that failure to undertake such a program is vulnerable of today's Greek economy. Likewise in the political realm, Kofas rejects the Washington dogma that Greece has to be in either the Soviet or the American camp, and therefore must be in the latter. Kofas proposes as a "plausible alternative" a social-demographic regime that, in addition to socioeconomic reforms at home, could have pursued abroad a pro-Greek rather than a pro-Soviet or pro-American course. The victory of the American-supported forces in Greece obscured this alternative vision for decades. Yet it was persistently propounded, in the face of discouraging odds, by a variety of centrist and leftist leaders. With the coming to office of Andreas Papandreou, this vision has become official policy in Athens. Furthermore, assorted versions of this alternative strategy are cropping up globally, which is the underlying reason why the Third World today is out of control. And also why superpower doctrines and projects not recognizing this indisputable and irreversible fact are experiencing difficulties as embarrassing as they are predictable. Hence the broad significance of this thoughtful and thought provoking study. —From the Foreword by L. S. Stavrianos

DKK 361.00
1

Lebanon Is Burning and Other Dispatches - Yazan Al Saadi - Bog - Pennsylvania State University Press - Plusbog.dk

Lebanon Is Burning and Other Dispatches - Yazan Al Saadi - Bog - Pennsylvania State University Press - Plusbog.dk

Voices from the Middle East on the fight for self-determination. Much of the present discourse about the pro-democracy Arab uprisings of 2011 paints a bleak picture of their defeat. But the truth is more complicated, and moments of struggle and inspiration still recur despite the overwhelming odds against the movements’ success. This collection of short comics documents the political and social unrest in the Middle East during the 2010s, in such places as Lebanon, Egypt, Yemen, Palestine, Sudan, and Bahrain. A collaboration between writer and journalist Yazan Al-Saadi and a lineup of stellar cartoonists from the region—Tracy Chahwan, Ganzeer, Ghadi Ghosn, Omar Khouri, Sirène Moukheiber, Hicham Rahma, and Enas Satir—this graphic reportage serves as a witness to an era of counterrevolutionary resurgence in which entrenched powers clashed with the people’s struggle for self-determination.

DKK 195.00
1

The Arab Bureau - Bruce Westrate - Bog - Pennsylvania State University Press - Plusbog.dk

The Arab Bureau - Bruce Westrate - Bog - Pennsylvania State University Press - Plusbog.dk

Founded in 1916, the Arab Bureau was a small collection of British intelligence officers headquartered in Cairo and charged with the task of coordinating imperial intelligence activities in the Middle East. It is most often remembered for its flamboyant cast of characters, particularly T. E. Lawrence, and its role in instigating the Arab Revolt to break Turkish control over the Arab-speaking Middle East. From the beginning, however, the Bureau was vilified within imperial circles as a group of amateurish and incompetent pro-Arab dilettantes. And ever since, it has borne much of the blame for Britain's terrible mishandling of Middle Eastern policy during and shortly after World War I. In this first full-length study of the Arab Bureau, Bruce Westrate challenges these stereotypes and reassesses the role that the Bureau actually played within imperial policy-making circles that stretched from London to Cairo to Delhi. Through close analysis of personal papers and Foreign Office records, including Arab Bureau documents, Westrate concludes that Bureau members were in fact sober-minded strategists who were skillfully working to secure the region for imperial interests.

DKK 361.00
1

The Caribbean Legion - Charles Ameringer - Bog - Pennsylvania State University Press - Plusbog.dk

The Caribbean Legion - Charles Ameringer - Bog - Pennsylvania State University Press - Plusbog.dk

A tale of adventure and intrigue, The Caribbean Legion studies the political struggles of the peoples of Costa Rica, Cuba, the Dominican Republic, Guatemala, Honduras, and Nicaragua in the years following World War II. Taking their inspiration from the D-day–style invasions of occupied Europe, groups of political exiles organized a series of armed expeditions that kept the Caribbean in turmoil for five years. Although their actions were independent, the groups became known collectively as the ''Caribbean Legion.'' Charles D. Ameringer examines the myth and reality of the Caribbean Legion, as well as the evolving foreign policy of the United States. Faced with the contradiction between the promotion of representative democracy and the principle of nonintervention, the United States tolerated dictatorship in the postwar Caribbean, which eventually led to serious consequences such as the Cuban Revolution. Ameringer utilizes never-before-consulted documents from 1949 and 1950 on ''the situation in the Caribbean'' from the Inter-American Peace Committee of the Organization of American States. Accordingly, The Caribbean Legion presents new information and documentation on the difficulties, complexities, and costs of organizing armed uprisings from exile, the purposes and actions of pro-democratic Caribbean exiles and their allies and sponsors, and US policy toward Latin America in the early Cold War period.

DKK 361.00
1

Whitman, Slavery, and the Emergence of Leaves of Grass - Martin Klammer - Bog - Pennsylvania State University Press - Plusbog.dk

Whitman, Slavery, and the Emergence of Leaves of Grass - Martin Klammer - Bog - Pennsylvania State University Press - Plusbog.dk

Although the significance of Walt Whitman's thinking about African Americans and slavery to his poetry has been largely ignored by Whitman scholars, Martin Klammer argues that Leaves of Grass is a major text dealing with race relations in the mid-nineteenth century. Through a close historical analysis, Klammer reveals how the evolution of Whitman's attitudes—from pro-slavery to "Free Soilism" to a deep sympathy for slaves—parallels and inspires his emergence as a poet from the beginning of his career through the 1855 edition. The issue of slavery continually influenced Whitman's work, culminating in 1854 when public reaction to two national developments on the slavery question—the passage of the Kansas-Nebraska Act and the case of the fugitive slave Anthony Burns—suddenly created an audience more receptive to Whitman's views and compelled him to revise and publish the poems known as Leaves of Grass. At the heart of these poems is a radically new and sympathetic view of African Americans and of their significance to Whitman's vision of a multiracial, egalitarian society. While previous critics have described Whitman's puzzling, seemingly contradictory views on slavery, no other study has so thoroughly investigated Whitman and the question of slavery, nor understood the importance of slavery to Whitman's development as a poet.

DKK 317.00
1

American Baseball. Vol. 3 - David Quentin Voigt - Bog - Pennsylvania State University Press - Plusbog.dk

American Baseball. Vol. 3 - David Quentin Voigt - Bog - Pennsylvania State University Press - Plusbog.dk

The National Pastime has made big news and big money since its Silver Age (1900-1920), but what old-timer would have dreamed of TV networks bidding tens of millions for camera time, of baseballers getting paid like movie stars, or of all concerned--players, managers, owners, even umpires--having their lives exposed in intimate detail by keyhole journalists? So far the great American game has survived media hype, as this book shows, with the same vitality that brought it through the doldrums of World Wars I and II and the Great Depression and that withstood the shocks of racial integration and union organization. Voigt's overview of American baseball at mid-century shows both major and minor league attendance reaching peaks in 1950, then declining under competition from pro football, basketball, and hockey. Although the minors have steadily lost ground, the majors have held on to profitable turf thanks to westward expansion, night games, TV franchises, and new sources of talent. Black players numbered 100 by 1960 after Jackie Robinson broke the color barrier in 1947, while Hispanic baseballers from the Caribbean and Central America became almost as numerous. About half the big leaguers now hail from university and college teams, and platoons of scouts spot the best talent in high schools and on sandlots. Many of the post-World War II players have become baseball stars, and many have become media superstars. New owners took charge in the expansion era, men described by the author as "individualistic, competitive, and mercenary--qualities sometimes gentled by altruism." Walter O'Malley of the Dodgers is presented as a representative expansionist, a "throwback to the robber barons," a glory-seeker intent on erasing Branch Rickey's fame, and yet a modern Barnum devoted to giving fans their money's worth. A showdown between owners of this stripe and the players' hard-bargaining Marvin Miller seemed a no-win game for the fans. Yet, as America enters the 1980s, this book reports, its "vast enthusiasm for major league baseball remains awesome." Despite the modern world's threats to the stability of the National Pastime, the diamond's mythic power justifies cautious optimism.

DKK 380.00
1

American Baseball. Vol. 3 - David Quentin ) Voigt - Bog - Pennsylvania State University Press - Plusbog.dk

American Baseball. Vol. 3 - David Quentin ) Voigt - Bog - Pennsylvania State University Press - Plusbog.dk

The National Pastime has made big news and big money since its Silver Age (1900–1920), but what old-timer would have dreamed of TV networks bidding tens of millions for camera time, of baseballers getting paid like movie stars, or of all concerned—players, managers, owners, even umpires—having their lives exposed in intimate detail by keyhole journalists? So far the great American game has survived media hype, as this book shows, with the same vitality that brought it through the doldrums of World Wars I and II and the Great Depression and that withstood the shocks of racial integration and union organization. Voigt's overview of American baseball at mid-century shows both major and minor league attendance reaching peaks in 1950, then declining under competition from pro football, basketball, and hockey. Although the minors have steadily lost ground, the majors have held on to profitable turf thanks to westward expansion, night games, TV franchises, and new sources of talent. Black players numbered 100 by 1960 after Jackie Robinson broke the color barrier in 1947, while Hispanic baseballers from the Caribbean and Central America became almost as numerous. About half the big leaguers now hail from university and college teams, and platoons of scouts spot the best talent in high schools and on sandlots. Many of the post-World War II players have become baseball stars, and many have become media superstars. New owners took charge in the expansion era, men described by the author as "individualistic, competitive, and mercenary—qualities sometimes gentled by altruism." Walter O'Malley of the Dodgers is presented as a representative expansionist, a "throwback to the robber barons," a glory-seeker intent on erasing Branch Rickey's fame, and yet a modern Barnum devoted to giving fans their money's worth. A showdown between owners of this stripe and the players' hard-bargaining Marvin Miller seemed a no-win game for the fans. Yet, as America enters the 1980s, this book reports, its "vast enthusiasm for major league baseball remains awesome." Despite the modern world's threats to the stability of the National Pastime, the diamond's mythic power justifies cautious optimism.

DKK 361.00
1

In the Struggle for Freedom - Vladko Macek - Bog - Pennsylvania State University Press - Plusbog.dk

In the Struggle for Freedom - Vladko Macek - Bog - Pennsylvania State University Press - Plusbog.dk

Vladko Macek (1879–1964) was born in a small Croatian village and received his law degree in 1903 from the University of Zagreb. One of the early members of the Croatian Peasant Party, he was closely associated with its founders, Ante and Stephen Radic. After the dissolution of the Habsburg empire, Croatia became a part of the new Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, and the Croatian Peasant Party emerged as one of the strongest political factions. Elected to the Belgrade Constituent Assembly in 1920, the author became head of the party when Stephen Radic was assassinated in 1928. But King Alexander established a personal dictatorship the following year, and Macek was imprisoned until after the king himself was murdered in 1934. During the latter half of the decade, the Croatian Peasant Party cooperated with several Serbian parties, and despite rigged elections, the combined opposition almost ousted the government in 1938. The deteriorating international situation finally forced composition of Serb-Croat differences, and Croatia was granted substantial autonomy in the sporazum (agreement) of August 1939. Macek became vice-premier in the Belgrade government, and Yugoslavia’s worst internal problem seemed solved. But with the collapse of France in 1940, the threat from Hitler and Mussolini became acute, and Yugoslavia was finally forced to adhere to the Tripartite Pact (Germany-Italy-Japan). When a coup d’état by pro-Allied officers in Belgrade reversed the situation on March 27, 1941, Macek at first refused to have any part in the new government. At the same time he rebuffed all Axis approaches and, as the German consulate in Zagreb reported on April 3, “categorically rejected any discussion about an independent Greater Croatia.” That afternoon he agreed to resume his old post as vice-premier. Germany attacked Yugoslavia three days later, however, and on April 16 the government fled to Greece. But Macek refused to leave the country and instead returned to Croatia, where he remained in prison or under house arrest until May 1945, when he and his family were able to flee to Austria and the protection of the U.S. Army. After the war the author settled in Washington, D.C., where he helped found the International Peasant Union, representing the suppressed peasant parties of eastern Europe. “Few memoirs are so revealing and rewarding as these,” writes E. C. Helmreich; “there may be those who differ with him, but his account of what happened rings true.” Not the least of the rewards are Macek’s judgments of men and politics, as relevant in 1969 as they were in 1939—for example, his observation that “peasants are the least tempted to become leftists: long political experience has taught me that it is the educated, or semi-educated people, who are most apt to become extremists either of the left or of the right.” Or his defense of a voting age of twenty-four in the Croatian electoral law: it “may seem reactionary to some people. But I was convinced then that young people do not have enough experience to size up a given political situation and objectively decide intricate political issues. The fact that Hitler, Mussolini, Pavelic and the Communists recruited their most ardent followers among immature youngsters has done nothing to change my opinion.”

DKK 308.00
1